Last month,
Republican presidential candidate Bob Dole offered a proposal
that would radically transform the way welfare is provided in
this country.
Under this proposal, modeled
on one offered earlier by Sen. Dan Coats, R-Ind., taxpayers
could take a tax credit for certain contributions to charities
that help the poor. The credit would be available for the
first $500 in contributions by single filers and for the first
$1,000 in contributions by married filers.
A tax credit increases
the incentive to give by reducing the price of giving: The
existing deduction permits an itemizing taxpayer to reduce
his taxable income by $1 for every dollar contributed to a
qualified charity. For a taxpayer in the 28 percent bracket,
this means that the price of contributing $1 is 72 cents.
A tax credit permits the taxpayer to reduce his tax bill by
$1 for every dollar contributed.
By greatly increasing
the individual's incentive to contribute to private charities,
the credit would allow these charities to provide services
now provided by government.
The existing system wastes
billions of dollars filtering taxpayer money through the hands
of professional bureaucrats before it reaches the poor. The
new system would put money directly in the hands of the churches,
neighborhood organizations and volunteers who see helping
the poor as a calling as well as a profession.
The welfare debate is
deadlocked over the false question of whether we should give
taxpayers a break at the expense of helpless children. Marian
Wright Edelman, leader of the recent "Stand for Children"
rally in Washington, has described as "evil" the
welfare cutbacks proposed in Washington and enacted in some
states. The tax credit proposal, labeled by some as a "compassion
tax credit," offers a chance to stand for children and
the taxpayer as well.
Because of its very win-win
nature, the Dole/Coats proposal is likely to get serious attention
from Congress in the months to come and now, possibly also
from a future president.
Defenders of the existing,
failed welfare system are thus rushing to kill the tax-credit
infant in its crib. Even before the idea gets a serious public
hearing, the business press and the halls of Congress are
abuzz with dark warnings about the consequences of an idea
that would end the government welfare monopoly.
As the debate gathers
momentum, therefore, it is useful to consider some of the
criticisms that are being voiced. Some of these criticisms
and the rebuttals to them follow.
"The tax credit
would cause total assistance to the poor to decrease because
the resulting tax-revenue losses would cause government to
cut programs."
In fact, the tax credit
would give taxpayers a chance to increase the total assistance
going to the poor. The reason lies in the greater efficiency
with which their tax dollars would be spent when placed in
the hands of private charities rather than welfare bureaucrats.
Research shows that, once
offered a tax credit, taxpayers would respond vigorously,
eventually taking full advantage of the opportunity provided
to direct their tax dollars where those dollars would do the
most good. Indeed, the reason Dole/Coats and other proposals
impose a limit on contributions eligible for the credit is
to prevent taxpayers from channeling all their tax liability
into the credit. Thus there would be no decline in total assistance
- just a change from one provider (government) to another
(private charities).
"The tax credit
would cause total assistance to the poor to decrease because
people who already contribute to the support of the poor would
receive an additional unnecessary tax break."
Individual contributions
to private charities account for less than 10 percent of all
public and private assistance to the poor (provided under
means-tested, nonmedicaid programs). This shortfall would
be made up in part by the greater efficiencies achieved and
by the greater success private charities could be expected
to enjoy in ending dependency. If concerns still remain, the
law could include a threshold making only new contributions
eligible for the credit (letting contributions below the threshold
remain eligible only for the existing deduction).
"The tax credit
would create a preferential status for charities that qualify
for the credit, causing taxpayers to increase their contributions
to these charities at the expense of others."
That is, people would
take money previously given to the symphony (for which they
would only get a deduction) and give it to the Salvation Army
(for which they could now get a credit).
Giving to the Salvation
Army is no substitute for attending the symphony or for supporting
the arts, as demonstrated by research showing a strong, positive
correlation between giving to different types of charities.
As for preferential status,
government currently takes hundreds of billions of taxpayer
dollars to fund that particular charity which is the government
welfare system.
"Money diverted
to private charities would 'leak' into activities that do
not help the poor and would increase administrative costs."
In fact, there is likely
to be far less waste and leakage under the tax credit than
there is now. By one estimate, only 41 percent of poverty-level
families receive any government benefits and some 67 percent
of all federal welfare spending ends up in the pockets of
nonpoor.
Yes, government oversight
would be necessary to prevent abuse, as it is with the existing
tax deduction. But with billions of new dollars pouring into
the system, private organizations would be formed to rate
or monitor individual charities for their efficiency.
"Private charities
would lack the capacity to handle the increased demand for
their services."
About 85,000 private charities
provide social and legal services to the poor and others.
Many more would be formed as the tax credit made new funds
available to support them. These charities would find that
the most effective way to attract funds is to come up with
effective methods of ending dependency while providing transitional
assistance.
Concerns about the tax
credit are voiced mainly by large public charities that have
vested interest in preserving the status quo. Examples are
United Way, which gets 40 percent of its support from government,
and Catholic Charities, which gets 62 percent. It's little
wonder that they are reluctant to scrap the existing system
for one in which they would have to compete, along with every
other charity, for support from millions of individual taxpayers.
As the debate over the
tax credit idea unfolds, there will be other concerns that
deserve careful consideration. What is important to avoid,
however, is a rush to judgment against this idea, based on
a panicky reaction by the welfare lobby and an underestimation
of the ability of the private sector to combine efficiency
with compassion.
David G. Tuerck is
executive director of the Beacon Hill Institute and chairman
and professor of economics at Suffolk University. This article
first appeared in The Tribune of New
Albany, Indiana on June 27, 1996.
Format revised on 18 August,
2004
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